Polari and Other ‘Lavender Languages’
More elaborate than a one-off phrase was gay people’s development of entire specialized vocabularies, which scholars today sometimes call “lavender languages,” to communicate in secret. Perhaps the most famous lavender language, the British-based Polari, combined vernaculars from criminals, sailors and Romani people, the historian Paul Baker writes in his book Fabulosa!: The Story of Polari, Britain’s Secret Gay Language.
Polari drew on rhyming slang, reversed words and borrowed vocabulary from a variety of sources to create a distinctive coded language. The point was for gay men and some lesbians to speak to each other, including in front of outsiders, without anyone understanding them. In Polari, gay men referred to police as “Lily Law” or “Jennifer Justice” to warn each other about vice cops without attracting unwanted attention, according to Baker’s book.
Each lavender language had its own system of logic for camouflaging words. In Peru, a lavender language called Lóxoro grew out of trans and sex worker communities. Often, in a process called crytptolalisation, Lóxoro speakers would add syllables to regular Spanish words. In Lóxoro, tenedór—the Spanish word for "fork"—became tenedósoror; loca, meaning "crazy," became lócuti. Much of the South African lavender language Gayle centers on adding women’s names to existing English or Afrikaans words. In Gayle, a “Polly Papagaai” is a gay man who loves gossip—a play on papagaai, which means “parrot” in Afrikaans.
Pop culture references tended to suffuse lavender languages. In the Philippines, a lavender language that emerged in the 1970s called Swardspeak blends pop culture references with Tagalog words. Instead of saying “it’s raining,” a contemporary Swardspeak speaker might simply say “Julanis Morissette”—a phrase that combines the Tagalog word for rain (“ulan”) with a playful alteration of the singer Alanis Morissette’s name.
These cultural touchpoints are also a hallmark of Gayle, which was created by mostly Black hairdressers in Cape Town in the 1950s. In Gayle, to “patsy” means to party, a reference to the American country singer Patsy Cline, according to Tracey McCormick, a linguistics professor at the University of Johannesburg who researches Gayle. These meanings are hardly stable: As celebrity iconography shifts, so does the queer vocabulary.
“'To cry' in the 1960s it was like, ‘don’t Carol Burnett,’” McCormick says. “In the 1970s, 'to cry' became 'Carole King.' And then in the 1980s, it became Kylie Minogue, don’t 'Kylie Minogue, don’t cry.'” Politics had a way of seeping into the vocabulary of Gayle, too. “It reflects the changing politics in South Africa,” McCormick says. “For example, a Winnie Poo is a small wind, but a Winnie Mandela is a massive wind, if you see what I’m saying.”
‘Zhuzh’ and Other Remnants of Lavender Languages
In recent decades, as queerness has become more visible and less criminalized, the old codes have shed their significance. Green carnations probably don’t mean much to the typical queer person, and few speak lavender languages. Polari in particular largely disappeared from common parlance in the 1970s, though several Polari words still linger in the English lexicon. When people say “zhuzh,” meaning to spruce up something or make it more stylish, they are, probably unknowingly, recycling a beloved Polari word.
But that doesn’t mean all of these queer linguistic codes have faded. In recent years, Gayle, for instance, has grown in popularity. It was always a deeply political language, a means of signaling membership in the queer community, but now it is a way for people to find solidarity, even if they aren’t queer.
“Some of the research has shown that women learn Gayle,” McCormick says. “So when they’re in a straight club and some men are starting to be threatening, they’ll speak Gayle to each other.”